FIGAROVOX / ANALYSIS – The Macron law back on the benches of the Assembly this week. For Alexandre Vatimbella, discussions around this social-liberal petrol text will be problematic for the PS that seeks to bring together the left.
Vatimbella Alexandre is a French journalist. It is, since 2008, managing editor of the news agency LesNouveauxMondes.org, which specializes in emerging markets and globalization. He is also the director of Crec (Centre for Study & amp; search of centrism)., An independent center for centrist political thought, with the site Centrism
We know that the motions of the Socialist Party congresses are not made to be read but only to remind that one is left, of socialist and they allow to count his friends and to have them.
The motions of the Socialist Party congresses are not made to be read but only to remind that one is left.
Thus the motion of the first secretary A re-elected Jean-Christophe Cambadélis had left a good speech, with the immutable necessary archaisms of the class struggle, not to mention the fudge that allowed it to be signed both by the mayor of Lille, Martine Aubry and Prime Minister Manuel Valls who have not ceased to criticize his recent times.
But for those who read it They remember well that there was a systematic attack against social liberalism and number of economic liberalization measures, is just what the famous law “for growth, activity and equal economic opportunity “, called Macron law as defended by the Minister of Economy of the government … Valls!
And now this law that divided the Socialists strongly and that the government and the party believed definitely behind them, came back like a boomerang before the end of their rally Congress, having been adopted without a vote in the National Assembly through the procedure of the famous Article 49-3 (block vote and filing a motion censorship), through the Senate, passed from the right.
The high assembly, instead of quickly getting rid of the baby, has indeed taken literally Emmanuel Macron liberalizing further the provisions of the text (with obviously a political afterthought), making it impossible to mixed-national joint committee Senate-Assembly to draft a joint text, the two versions are just too different.
The high assembly, instead of quickly getting rid of the baby, has indeed taken literally Emmanuel Macron even more liberalizing provisions of the text.
Hence a new vote on the law by the Assembly on the original text which will then return to the Senate but will, as always in the regime of the Fifth Republic, adopted in fine by the National Assembly in the version it wants . Suddenly, the new discussion of the law on the Assembly’s benches will certainly wake up all the antagonisms and divisions of the PS, as already said the entourage of the “chief” slingers of the left wing of the party Christian Paul, what the government would have liked to avoid (Valls has nonetheless indicated that the 49-3 could be used again) but the vast majority Socialists.
On the one hand, to not to show again in full daylight and in the sight of all French fractures that now plague the PS and which are increasingly disorder even though the Socialists made fun of misunderstandings within the Republicans in their congress held on May 30, a week before their own.
On the other hand, to continue refocusing the party on his heart electoral target within two years from now Presidential and legislative elections.
The discussions on Macron Law may shatter this false peace of the brave between the government and the slingers.
However, discussions about Macron law might shatter this false peace of the brave between the government and the slingers. Already it has the lead in the wing with the incredible Arnaud Montebourg text published in the latest issue of JDD , just open Congress in Poitiers, which allowed the slingers raise your head a little, those who have taken a massive blow when voting motions they have not even reached 30% and the government to find even interfere with armholes it has rallied to denounce the coup Trafalgar his former minister and rule pitifully accounts with Valls.
The fact is that this law is the epitome of contradiction that disrupts the Socialist Party for years now but, above since the election of Francois Hollande. Social-liberal in its essence (as is the Minister of Economy) Macron the law is emblematic of where Manuel Valls wants to take the Socialist Party in the coming years and which polls after polls, the French in their whole and the PS supporters, seem to give their approval.
However, the time has come for each party to start collecting his electoral heart in anticipation of 2017, thus advancing cautiously to find compromises and not create bitterness and discord. Thus, it would mess if, after signing the same motion, and Aubry Valls clashed again, so soon after the Congress of Poitiers and before he could send messages to voters on the left one is good left. Ultimately, it would be the strategy of the PS candidate in 2017 (Hollande strongly wishing to be one) that would be in danger.
That would mess if, after signing the same motion, and Aubry Valls clashed again, so soon after the Congress of Poitiers and before he could send messages to voters on the left that we are well on the left.
For, against Nicolas Sarkozy, Hollande wants to hit, and Marine Le Pen, the candidate will be required, given the current polls for the less catastrophic, to group all the left.
If it is known that some of the social-liberal party and the extreme left will vote anyway not for the PS candidate, the Socialists may hope that the rejection of leftist voters vis-à-vis Nicolas Sarkozy and hatred of Marine Le Pen, will take them to vote in the first round useful and massively to vote if present in the second round. Provided, of course, that these voters believe the PS enough left (which was not the case, for example, in 2002 Lionel Jospin).
Now, a discussion on the content of the law Macron is anything but proof that this is the case for supporters of Left Front and the Communist Party to the Socialist leaders who have already begun to address recent weeks and could find reasons for satisfaction in all motions filed for the Congress of Poitiers.
It is clear, as are the UMP, as some poorly soluble in other political lines, are present and that balance to channel in for that reason the parties are made in a democracy, the conquest of power, becomes more and more difficult than it is for those on a roll with the exacerbation of personal ambitions or for those who must close the gaps where account regulations are being prepared.
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